For A United One Sudan
Presented by Joseph Modesto
Member of Sudan Communist Party
And former member of the Constituent Assembly
At Conference on a Confederation Concept for the Sudan
Place: Friendship Palace Hotel, Khartoum North
Date: From 13 - 16 July 2002
We welcome to the Sudan Dr. Rudiger Wolforum Director the Max-Planck-Institute and appreciate his efforts of finding a solution to the Sudan Crisis. It is true that "there is no blueprint for a federal state, for a federal state has to satisfy the political, historical, economic, ethnic necessities or particularities of a given state." In this regard we agree with Dr. Wolfrum.
We also wish to say right away that we are for the unity of the Sudan and recognize that the conflict has its ethnic, religious, cultural etc dimensions. We are also convinced that inspite of these dimensions, the conflict can be resolved within one united Sudan.We wish we could solve the conflict without intermediaries or guarantees by the internationally based or otherwise. But there is need for intermediaries or guarantors because southerners were let down: The first time was when a federal system was promised to them on the eve of independence in 1956. The second time when Nemeiry abrogated the Addis Ababa Agreement. Lastly with the Peace from within which culminated in Khartoum Peace Agreement. This agreement was initiated, safeguarded and monitored by the United States of America and the European Union. The agreement is still valid up to now but no one can tell the future.
The lack of confidence is no longer running along the dividing line of North-South. There is lack of confidence, which is North-North and also South-South. It is this situation of lack of confidence that has produced many peace initiatives. IGAD peace initiative, joint Lybian-Egyptian peace Initiative and now the activated IGAD peace initiative that is in due process now in Nairobi.
The Sudanese State:
We would like to stress the following in this regard:-
1. The Sudanese crisis is indivisible so is also the solution to the crisis.
2. The Sudanese state is 180 years old commencing with the Ottoman-Egyptian rule of 1821.
3. The Sudanese state was internationally recognized as a political and a geographical entity in 1898, time of the Anglo-Egyptian conquest of Sudan.
4. The Sudan is a united indivisible sovereign state despite the first civil war that continued for 17 years and the second civil war that has been going on for the last 19 years.A state with such stamina and cohesiveness should remain united despite large-scale population mobility brought about by civil war, drought and desertification. This population mobility is another factor for unity and social fusion. This factor will continue even if the civil war were to stop. This is because the old division between North and South is more or less mitigated.. This is also true as regards the center and the west. This experience is not only peculiar to the Sudan for the nations in the old continents including the United States have been formed through the mingling of its peoples. Besides this, every national state has its civil wars before coming to formulate its unity. This is true for England, U.S.A, Switzerland, Italy etc.
5. The Sudanese state has accumulated a rich and a diverse experience in overcoming dictatorial and authoritarian regimes to parliamentary democracy, 1964 and 1985. This rich experience enables the Sudanese State to preserve its unity.
6. The Sudanese State experienced the regional autonomy of the South in 1972 despite the fact that it was federation with one wing. The federal bodies were only in the South. When Nemeiry abrogated the Addis Ababa Agreement, the Sudanese State remained united, it did not break down.To conclude, the movement for unity is stronger and consequently the problems facing the Sudanese State are indivisible. That is to say the problem of peace, division of power and distribution of wealth, democratic transformation, self-determination, liquidation of dictatorial form of government etc should be tackled as a whole. That is why it is absurd to negotiate the question of peace in Nairobi and the form of government in Khartoum and South Sudan.
Once again we thank Dr. Rubiger Wolfrum for the alternatives he formulated and put forward. We hope we will give due considerations to the following observations.1. The Dayton model or formula formulated to solve the problems of the Balkan states and the Yugoslav federation is not the adequate formula for the Sudan why?
a) The Balkan states are by-products of a long and complicated historical process due to the expansionist policies of the Ottoman Empire for the sphere of influence.They are also a by-product of the Versailles agreement after the First World War and in addition to the Potsdam agreement after the Second World War. Lastly they are by-product of the demise of the Soviet Union and its after math. That is to say the unification of Germany and the disintegration of the Yugoslav federation.
b) The boundaries of the Balkan states has been subjected to so many alterations to the extent that the geographical atlas was changed in order to redraw the boundaries. Considering the mounting tension in the Balkans, the borders drawn and redrawn by the Dayton agreement are temporary borders. That is why we think that the Sudanese State that has been united for 180 years should be united.
2. How to preserve the unity of the Sudanese State.
Before choosing between federal or confederal system we should first uproot the injustices that led to the first and second civil wars. Here are some of the injustices:
i. Superiority complex that makes some northerners see themselves as more superior than southerners on the basis of ethnicity, religion and culture.
ii. Unjust division of power and distribution of wealth. These long-standing injustices can not be uprooted in a day or two. But we should set the right direction and take the first step along a road which is not easy to tread. We think that the Asmara resolutions of 1995 formulated an adequate framework to tackle and solve these injustices.The resolutions tackled the issues of separation of religion from state, voluntary unity through the right to self-determination. There is also a need for an adequate transitional period in order to achieve democratic transformation, rectification of injustices and orientation of politics and events in such a way as to win over the majority in the south to decide for unity in a referendum. When these things are in place can we then choose formally between federation and confederation etc.3. International guarantees and observers are part of the contemporary international situation. But the political and economic interests of the guarantor states change so is the regional situation. Even the guarantees, which are formulated in resolutions and passed by the United Nations and its Security Council, are not honoured. e.g. all the resolutions concerning Palestine, Western Sahara etc. Therefore we think that the most formidable guarantees depend on Sudanese unity based on equality, observation of basic human rights, of clarifying the political involvement so that unity can be achieved through self-determination etc.
4. We also take note of what is going on in our region Africa. Despite the gigantic efforts exerted by the international community in Somalia, Congo, Liberia, no tangible peace is achieved.
5. We fully agree with the list of rights and freedoms listed on pages 7 and 8 not with-standing the form of government.
6. We think that the structural form of a confederal state is rather complicated and sophisticated for an underdeveloped country like the Sudan. 3 parliaments, 3 council of ministers, 3 constitutions and may be 2 armies, 2 security organs, 2 police forces. Who is going to pay for these?
7. We think that the next stage after confederation is a separate state. i.e. confederation is a step to secession.
8. The most adequate orientation towards solving the Sudan crisis are:
(a) To nullify all laws restricting basic human rights and freedoms.
(b) Cessation of hostilities.
(c) Convening of constitutional conferences of all parties with the participation of regional and international observers.
(d) Crash programme of rehabilitation and resettlement.
(e) Self-determination to achieve voluntary unity.
(f) Elections:Talking of free democratic elections and to be monitored by regional and international observers is acceptable in theory. But election campaigns cost a lot of money and every penny of the Sudanese wealth is monopolized by both factions of National Islamic Front.
Thank You